As the 2024 presidential election approaches, former President Barack Obama is once again hitting the campaign trail, this time to support Vice President Kamala Harris in her bid for the presidency. But while Obama remains a powerful figure within the Democratic Party, he has acknowledged the limits of his influence. According to a recent CNN report, Obama no longer believes he can reach the staunch supporters of Donald Trump, saying his goal now is to secure enough votes in key states to counter the opposition.
One of the demographics that Obama and the Harris campaign are focusing on is Black men, a group that remains largely supportive of the Democratic Party but has shown signs of shifting—particularly younger Black men. A September poll by the NAACP revealed that 26% of Black men under 50 would consider voting for Trump. As Obama works to reverse this trend, his message has taken on a sharp tone, particularly when addressing what he sees as a lingering issue of sexism among some Black male voters.
During a recent campaign stop in Pittsburgh, Obama spoke candidly to Black men, suggesting that their reluctance to support Harris might be rooted in discomfort with the idea of a woman president. “You just aren’t feeling the idea of having a woman as president, and you’re coming up with other alternatives and other reasons,” he remarked. He then appealed to their sense of pride, asking, “Now, you’re thinking about supporting someone who has a history of denigrating you because you think that’s a sign of strength? That’s not acceptable.”
While Obama’s comments touched on an important issue—misogyny within the electorate—some critics have pointed out that his approach may come across as condescending. Black men, they argue, have valid reasons to feel disillusioned with the Democratic Party, reasons that go beyond gender politics. As writer Bill Kristol pointed out in a newsletter for The Bulwark, Harris continues to win young Black men by a substantial margin, but it’s white voters, not Black men, who are more responsible for any potential electoral challenges she faces. Yet, the narrative often places disproportionate blame on Black men, should the Democrats falter.
Obama’s use of the term “Cousin Pookie” in his speeches, a phrase he has employed for years to describe disengaged Black voters, has also drawn criticism. Some feel it reflects a tone-deaf approach to the real frustrations Black men face. “With all due respect, I don’t expect a man from Hawaii raised by white folks to know that many ‘Pookies’ to have used that name for three decades and counting,” wrote Michael Arceneaux, a New York Times bestselling author. For some, Obama’s language reinforces the sense that he’s speaking down to Black men, rather than understanding the systemic issues that contribute to their dissatisfaction.
Misogyny is undoubtedly a problem in this election, and some Black men have echoed sexist sentiments toward Harris, questioning her qualifications or diminishing her identity as a Black woman. Public figures like Lord Jamar have even regurgitated racist, right-wing claims about Harris. However, blaming Black men as a monolithic group ignores the complexities of their political engagement. Many are frustrated by the lack of tangible progress on key issues like jobs, healthcare, and criminal justice reform. Mentorship programs, one frequent Democratic proposal aimed at Black men, may not be enough to address their deeper concerns.
Obama’s candid critiques of sexism are timely, but if his goal is to win over Black men for Harris, a more nuanced approach may be needed. Rather than resorting to paternalistic lecturing, the former president—and the Harris campaign—might do well to address the systemic issues that Black men face directly. Offering policies that resonate with their lived experiences, rather than framing their support as a moral obligation, could be a more effective strategy.
In the final weeks before the election, the Harris campaign has unveiled new policy proposals aimed at Black men, though some critics feel these plans fall short. As Arceneaux notes, what Black men need are not more symbolic gestures, but concrete actions that improve their lives—better jobs, healthcare, and a justice system that works for them. The Democrats’ ability to reach these voters could prove crucial in a race that will likely come down to the wire.
As the nation watches the final stretch of the campaign unfold, Obama’s role in mobilizing the Black vote will be critical. His challenge, however, lies not just in calling out sexism or rallying support for Harris, but in showing Black men that their voices—and their frustrations—are being heard.
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